The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was considered one of the most influential holders of that position in US history. Although numerous VPs were confined to peripheral or ceremonial positions, Cheney exercised substantial power during the term of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was frequently called as the "real president".
Bush objected to this portrayal and stated the connection was more complex. He noted that Cheney was deferential, always referring to him in official appearances as Mr President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their relationship as a collaboration because it suggested that they were peers. Despite these objections, Cheney viewed the laidback president malleable on a whole raft of policy decisions.
A Period Following the Attacks
At the head of a contingent of neo-conservatives that featured defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been attending a gathering at a elementary school in Florida. Whereas Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, directing the shooting down of any unidentified planes approaching the government building.
Cheney stated the assaults altered his perspective, making him become focused on revenge. Along with other neo-conservatives, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Actions
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, or about the waterboarding of detainees rounded up after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was predicated on inaccurate intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the proper decision. "It was the proper decision to do back then. I had faith back then and I maintain that stance presently."
Yet even then, there were dissenting voices at a senior level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the White House's own representatives to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the role. "I witnessed, at the very least," he wrote later "true dereliction, inaction, and unaccountability: at worst, falsehoods, unfitness, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not solely accountable for the Iraq military action. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had composed a memorandum detailing circumstances in which national priorities might be endangered (featuring "availability of crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the United States should be prepared to operate alone when collective action cannot be orchestrated," particularly referencing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had arrived in the Oval Office vaguely intent on implementing what his predecessor had notably declined to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Subsequent to he had been dismissed by the president, the finance chief Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his objective of lowering America's participation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush bore a personal grudge against Saddam, convinced he had been involved in a scheme to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also resented that one of the biggest hotels in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his father's countenance that everyone had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken supporting attacking Iraq, repeatedly quoting information documents that were both insubstantial or totally deceptive. He supported what the Bush administration euphemistically referred to as "intensive questioning", the application of interrogation method and torture.
Answering a Senate document in 2014 that found that no useful information had come from the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "loaded with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to take steps and create programmes to catch the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they earn a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed nicknames given to him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Do I represent the evil genius in the shadows that remains unseen leave his hole? This represents a effective way to operate, in fact."
Commercial Ties
Debate over his commercial relationships followed him throughout his time as VP. Even though he had little experience in corporate affairs but strong connections in military, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's biggest energy corporations, in 1995 as chair and CEO.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's running mate for the White House. Debatably, during the military campaign, Halliburton was given US contracts totaling multiple billions.
It made him rich. His yearly compensation during his tenure at the company rose from his quarter-million dollars during his time as Pentagon chief to over four million. When he resigned in 2000 he had a severance arrangement worth more than $20m|twenty
